A TANZANIAN SOCIETY THAT WANTS TO SPEAK

 


Adeladius Makwega – MBAGALA

Mwanakwetu has memories that, to someone who was not present at those events, may sound like stories from a distant past. But for me, these are not stories told to me by someone else. I was there. I witnessed them. I heard them with my own ears.

 

In 1995, Tanzania held its first multiparty General Election after the return to a multiparty political system. Mwanakwetu cast his vote at Masandale Primary School polling station in Same District, Kilimanjaro.

 

During the campaign, Same District received several prominent candidates who were participating in that historic election.

One of the first to arrive was Augustine Lyatonga Mrema. He held his rally near electricity poles and TANESCO wires that had been laid on the ground, close to a small office of the electricity institution.

 

While presenting his political platform, Mrema spoke about many things, including his background, his government positions and his religious identity.

He said:

 

“I say this openly: I was born in this Kilimanjaro region. You saw how I fought against armed criminals when I served as Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, and I am also a Catholic.”

 

Mwanakwetu, these are not things I heard from somebody else. I was at that rally.

I even remember what I was wearing: khaki trousers, a white shirt, a white net pullover and black shoes. At the time, I was a Form Four student at Same Secondary School.

These may seem like small details today, but to someone who was there, they remain part of Tanzania's political history.

The campaign meetings continued at different levels—local government, parliamentary and presidential elections.

The CCM parliamentary candidate was Ms. Gladness Mzirai, who was later appointed Deputy Minister of Education.

On the presidential side, another candidate who held a rally in Same was Professor Ibrahim Haruna Lipumba of CUF.

He held his rally on the left-hand side near the Same–Moshi road, around the entrance to the Same bus stand. Mwanakwetu attended that rally.

Professor Lipumba presented several arguments, but one statement has remained in Mwanakwetu's memory:

“I was an economic adviser to the President. Now I want to do it myself because I am not satisfied with being an adviser. When you advise someone, they can accept or reject your advice.”

Professor Lipumba also introduced himself by explaining his background, the positions he had held and his Islamic faith.

Unlike some other rallies, however, he allowed members of the public to ask questions.

Mwanakwetu got an opportunity to ask him:

“You have been an adviser to the President. If President Mwinyi failed to accomplish certain things, do you think you can separate yourself from those failures?”

His answer was:

“When you advise someone, they can accept or reject your advice.”

That was when I began to see an important distinction in politics: there is a difference between advising someone who holds power and becoming the person who holds that power yourself.

Two young men from Same Secondary School, members of the Muslim Students Association, were also present at the rally. One of them was known as Rashidi Haruna.

After the rally, while returning to school, we discussed many things about Professor Lipumba, particularly his willingness to allow citizens to ask questions and his readiness to answer them publicly.

Rashidi Haruna, whom I understand now lives in Mbagala Sabasaba, later changed his religion and became a born-again Christian.

These are memories that have remained with Mwanakwetu for more than 30 years.

Another candidate who held a rally in Same was Benjamin Mkapa.

His rally took place above the main bus station in Same Town, on the side leading toward Mbugani–Mkomazi. The meeting attracted many people, and Mkapa was introduced together with his wife, Anna Mkapa.

Mwanakwetu was there.

At that rally, the CCM side presented an argument that reflected the campaign politics of the time:

“Mrema said he is a Catholic and was born in Kilimanjaro. Professor Lipumba said he was an adviser to the President and is a Muslim. President Mwinyi now is going to retire together with all his advisers. CCM is bringing something new—Benjamin Mkapa. Besides, he is married to a woman from Kilimanjaro. Therefore, it is up to the people of Kilimanjaro to decide. I ask you to elect Mkapa; our sister Anna cannot do anything bad to us.”

Mwanakwetu was present at this rally and I was deeply annoyed by one thing: CCM did not give the candidate an opportunity to answer questions from the people.

 

That is where I saw a difference between two political meetings: one allowed citizens to ask questions, while the other did not.

At the end of the day, Benjamin Mkapa became President of the United Republic of Tanzania.

Because I was a Form Four student in 1995, after completing my examinations I returned to Dar es Salaam.

In Dar es Salaam, I witnessed the political activities surrounding the re-run of the election following problems that had occurred during the initial election. At that time, I also saw people such as Dr. Masumbuko Lamwai, who later became a prominent Member of Parliament.

These are the circumstances that shaped Mwanakwetu's understanding of politics—not merely through stories told by others, but through witnessing events, listening to arguments and observing how citizens participated in politics.

In 2005, during Tanzania's third multiparty General Election, Mwanakwetu was in Iringa as a first-year student pursuing a Bachelor of Arts in Journalism.

 

In that election, Jakaya Kikwete won the presidency.

While at university, he had the opportunity to study alongside two young men who were members of CCM—Suguta Manchare Heche and Mjengi Lissu. Both later became lawyers.

Suguta Manchare Heche is the biological younger brother of John Heche, who is currently the Deputy Chairman of CHADEMA Tanzania, while Mjengi Lissu is the younger brother of Tundu Lissu, who is the Chairman of CHADEMA .

Mwanakwetu was the CCM Publicity Secretary of the university branch, and some of these membership cards were issued by him personally.

These things may sound like a joke today.

But this is the history I know.

Who today would believe that people whose relatives are now associated with opposition politics once existed in such political circumstances?

Even the security and intelligence institutions may not have records of every such event, because they cannot possibly be present at every event that takes place in the world.

So an important question arises:

Why does Mwanakwetu remember events that happened more than 20 or 30 years ago?

The answer is simple:

Because the politics I am talking about is not politics I read about yesterday on social media. I have watched it change before my own eyes.

I have seen the one-party system.I have seen the return of multiparty politics.I witnessed the 1995 campaigns.

I witnessed the elections of 2000 and 2005.

I have watched generations of politicians change.

And today, I see a new political debate being built through social media.

Recently, Mwanakwetu published a poster opposing the humiliation of people through videos that have been digitally created or manipulated using technology.

In the comments, the names of several politicians were mentioned, including Nchimbi, Polepole, Lissu, Majaliwa, January Makamba and Warioba, while the names of some other politicians were not mentioned.

 

But the important issue here is not one particular name.

What matters is the political picture being created by the discussion itself.

At present, the name of Mwigulu Nchemba has generated significant discussion on this particular post.

And this is where the statistics become meaningful.

As of early October 7, 2026, the post had:

👍 Likes: 165
💬 Comments: 193
↗️ Shares: 3

At first glance, someone might say that 165 likes is a significant number.

But when viewed analytically, there is another important detail:

The 193 comments exceed the 165 likes.

That is approximately 17% more comments than likes.

This does not mean that 193 people oppose or support the person being discussed.

Comments are not votes.

Comments may express support, opposition, criticism, questions, attacks on an argument, defence of the person being discussed, or even criticism of the person who published the post.

But one thing is clear:

The post has generated more discussion than the ordinary reaction of simply pressing “like.”

This is where Mwanakwetu sees something that is not easy to understand by looking at the numbers alone.

165 likes, 193 comments and 3 shares create a particular picture of today's politics:

People are talking a lot, but they are not sharing very much.

This may mean that the issue has touched the people who encountered it, but there is still insufficient evidence to conclude that it has spread widely beyond that particular audience.

Therefore, a large number of comments does not necessarily mean popularity.

 

Sometimes many comments indicate division.

Sometimes they indicate anger.

Sometimes political gossip.

Sometimes defence.

And sometimes strong opposition.

That is why a serious political analyst should not look at likes alone.

The analyst should ask:

What are people saying?

Why are they saying it?

Which side appears to have stronger arguments?

Which side appears to be driven more by emotion than by arguments?

 

And above all:

Is this debate strengthening or weakening the politician being discussed?

This is Tanzania's political landscape today.

It is different in many ways from Tanzania in 1995.

In 1995, campaigns were conducted mainly in public grounds, along roads and at political rallies.

Today, a major political arena has also moved to social media.

In the past, a politician needed a stage and a loudspeaker.

Today, thousands of people can discuss a politician without that politician even being on a stage.

In the past, citizens asked candidates questions at political rallies.

Today, citizens ask politicians questions through comments.

In the past, an argument might end when the rally ended.

 

Today, an argument can continue for days across social media.

And that is the major difference:

Politics has become faster, but it has also become noisier.

Looking at Tanzania's political history from 1995 to today, Mwanakwetu cannot say that politics has remained the same.

People have changed.

Political parties have changed.

Politicians have changed.

Technology has changed.

But one thing appears to remain:

Political competition is still alive.

And today, that competition is no longer limited to public rallies.

It is on Facebook.

It is on WhatsApp.

It is in videos.

It is in comments.

It is in social-media posters.

And sometimes, one comment can start a debate bigger than an entire political speech.

Therefore, when I see 193 comments compared with 165 likes, I do not look at the numbers alone.

I see a sign of a society that wants to speak.

But one question remains:

Is the political temperature rising or falling?

And if it is rising, is it because citizens are becoming more politically aware, or because political divisions, anger and competition are becoming stronger?

From this debate, Mwanakwetu sees that Mwigulu Lameck Nchemba has generated significant discussion among Tanzanians.

Mwanakwetu, are you there? Remember:

“A Tanzanian Society That Wants to Speak.”

I wish you a good day.


✉️ makwadeladius@gmail.com
📞 0717649257


























 

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