THEY MUST NOT TAKE A POLITICAL SIDE

 

 

Adeladius Makwega – Mbagala

 

Tanzania today is estimated to have a population of more than 72 million people. This population could double within a relatively short period because the number of children and young people is significantly higher than the number of adults and the elderly.

 

According to population figures for Central, Eastern and the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia is said to have approximately 180 million people, the Democratic Republic of Congo approximately 100 million, while Tanzania has between 68 and 73 million people.

 

By God’s honest truth, when you compare Tanzania’s population of about 73 million with Congo’s approximately 100 million, the people of Congo appear to have greater experience and resilience in dealing with various challenges, including armed conflicts, than Tanzanians. This is because, in Congo, disasters and crises have been part of people’s lives for a long time.

 

Today, Mwanakwetu feels that the situation experienced in Congo could eventually spread to Tanzania if Tanzanian leaders, as well as the international community, continue to believe that Tanzania has not yet crossed the red line.

 

These thoughts simply came to Mwanakwetu today, and he decided to reflect on this matter together with you, his reader.

“When you are entrusted with leadership in nations made up of human beings, whenever a crisis occurs—whether war or any other disaster—it means that this society can become a burden to neighbouring societies. The world incurs costs in resolving such a crisis, and neighbouring communities suffer serious consequences, including the spread of certain diseases during the crisis, displacement, and the need to provide food for people who were previously engaged in their normal economic activities.”

 

My reader, allow me to take you further back.

 

When the British handed Tanganyika over to Julius Nyerere on December 9, 1961, they had, in my view, satisfied themselves 100 percent regarding Nyerere’s character, conduct and personality. They had assessed the kind of person he was in every circumstance, whether in times of happiness or difficulty.

 

In other words, Tanganyika was handed over to the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), with the confidence that the country would remain safe.

 

Someone once told me that, even during Julius Nyerere’s early legal cases, the British observed how he conducted himself after encountering difficulties. I have neither confirmed nor established the truth of this claim, but that is what I was told.

 

Even in Congo, Patrice Lumumba had been prepared for leadership, but the problem was that those who killed him did so far too early, and the country later fell into the hands of dictators.

“Tanganyika was not handed over under the KAR, nor under the Police Force inherited from the colonial government, nor under the Prisons Service, nor under the Security Department inherited from the colonial government. Rather, it was handed over to the people of Tanganyika—to Nyerere and his colleagues—whose names, clans, fathers, character and conduct were known. The defence and security organs were merely supporting institutions, just as teachers, nurses and other public servants were.”

 

When a problem occurs in a nation of 73 million people, many people can lose their lives, suffer permanent disabilities and face other serious consequences.

Tanzanians remember what happened on October 29, 2025. I do not want to take them back into that painful experience because I believe that the merciful God will judge those responsible, one after another, and their generations.

 

Whenever a problem occurs, even if it affects only one person, it must be addressed immediately. You may say, “The situation has not crossed the red line.” But understand this: when human life is at stake, even if only one person is affected, once that matter crosses the red line, it must be addressed.

 

These thoughts can also be seen in the positions taken by two American presidents, Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman.

 

President Truman, in his speech concerning the establishment of the United Nations, went further and made the following observation:

“If the world had had a strong United Nations, the number of people who died in the First and Second World Wars might not have reached such levels. But from now, in 1945, the United Nations must be much more determined so that further deaths do not occur. If they do occur, it will be because of our negligence; and even you who are applauding today may one day become victims of that negligence.”

These are the thoughts Mwanakwetu reflects upon with tears in his eyes: Tanzania, where are we heading, my fellow citizens?

 

You may ask: Why is Mwanakwetu raising these issues today?

 

Throughout my life, I have participated in CCM meetings from the grassroots level—including branch, ward, district and regional meetings—and even at national-level meetings, sometimes as a legitimate delegate, sometimes as an invited participant, and at other times as a candidate seeking an opportunity to explain myself and answer questions in exercising my right to be elected.

 

In 2010, Mwanakwetu sought CCM’s endorsement to contest for the position of Speaker of Parliament, at a time when CCM rejected Honourable Samwel Sitta.

 

The meeting was held at the party’s headquarters in Dodoma, and I was invited. Later, the then National Chairman of CCM directed all candidates seeking the nomination to enter the hall, be introduced, explain themselves and answer questions.

Among all the candidates, I believe Kazimbaya Makwega and one young man, an accountant at St. Augustine University, were among the youngest candidates.

 

There was something in that meeting that greatly surprised me. In particular, the President’s aides—at the time, the President was also the National Chairman of CCM—were positioned at the front of the platform, repeatedly entering and leaving the meeting. They were all young people from the security organs.

One of us made the following observation:

 

“Why do national meetings behave like this? Are these aides of the President, who is also the Chairman of the party, actually delegates? Doesn’t CCM at the national level have a secretariat?If they are waiting for the President, they should remain at the reception area. Here, he is a CCM member and the chairman of the meeting. At a branch meeting, could the person guarding the branch’s vehicles, or the chairman’s personal guard, dare to enter the meeting room while discussions are taking place concerning candidates seeking to become a village or street chairman? This cannot happen.”

 

I told him:

“It is not only at that level. Even at the district and regional levels, no one can enter a meeting unless they are a legitimate member of that meeting.”

 

The man responded:

 

“If our chairman goes astray, can you deal with him through the party’s meetings? Or is the chairman an angel who is 100 percent perfect?

Within CCM, the Green Guard and the party secretariat are responsible for security and all services inside the meeting. Those people moving around are not the secretariat; they are there for one individual.”

 

All these matters caused Mwanakwetu to reflect deeply, leading him to make the following observation:

 

This is dangerous because it can create a temptation among personnel from the defence and security organs to engage in politics and choose a particular political side when problems arise or when the nation reaches a crossroads.

 

This is dangerous, and that is why Article 147(3) of the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania, 1977, officially prohibits a soldier, police officer, or any member of the defence and security organs from being involved with any political party.

 

This provision exists to ensure that the defence and security organs remain independent and do not take any political side. The principle is that they must serve all citizens and the entire nation equally.

 

The question is: What about the appointment of soldiers, police officers and other personnel from these institutions to political positions?

 

Let us remind ourselves: the issue remains the same—it concerns a violation of Article 147(3).

 

This provision is intended to discourage individuals within these institutions from aspiring to such positions or even choosing a political side for personal benefit.

 

This issue may appear small today, but one day it could cost us dearly—and it could also cost those involved dearly.

 

“Because now there are so many questions in Tanzania. Where is Humphrey Polepole? They have taken this person, they have done this, they have sent him there—why is he not being seen? Dr. Emmanuel Nchimbi, why are his phones not being answered? Why, why, why? Why do the security organs have no answers? Is remaining silent not itself taking a political side? Does that not violate Article 147(3)?”

Mwanakwetu, are you there?

Remember:

“THEY MUST NOT TAKE A POLITICAL SIDE.”

I wish you a good day.

Email: makwadeladius@gmail.com

Phone: 0717649257