The solution lies in the story of Idris Abdul Wakil

Adeladius Makwega – Mbagala

“In some ways, negotiating and signing a peace agreement is the easy part. Implementation is far more complex and much more challenging. An agreement, no matter how beautifully written, remains just a piece of paper unless it is implemented faithfully—not only in its letter but also in its spirit.”

These are remarks from a speech by former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan on October 1, 2009, at the International Conference on the Kenya National Dialogue and Reconciliation: One Year Later, delivered in a four-page document.

Kofi Annan, a Ghanaian citizen, explains how he received a phone call from the then President of Ghana:

“In January 2008, I received a call from President Kufuor of Ghana, who at the time was Chairman of the African Union, asking me, on behalf of the organization, to help mediate the crisis in Kenya. I knew the task would not be easy. Kenya was a beacon of hope for Africa. It was a relatively stable country, with a moderately growing economy and an expanding middle class. Kenya was politically and economically important to the East and Central African region, and any prolonged instability there would negatively affect the entire sub-region. Therefore, it was crucial to act quickly and decisively. This was evident when various visitors began arriving in Nairobi at an early stage, including Archbishop Desmond Tutu, as well as former presidents who are members of the African Leaders Forum: Presidents Chissano, Kaunda, Mkapa, and Masire. President Kufuor also told me that he would request former Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa and Mrs. Graça Machel to join me in a Panel of Eminent African Personalities to assist in the mediation process.”

In this speech, Kofi Annan mentioned several leaders, but Benjamin William Mkapa, Tanzania’s third-phase president, was the only one mentioned twice. Tanzania was not highlighted by coincidence, but because of its recognized contribution to African nations—marked by stability, which served as a powerful asset.

Today’s Tanzanians should ask themselves: is it really necessary for a retired foreign president, such as Malawi’s former President Lazarus Chakwera, to be invited to help resolve our internal issues? Current leaders of the ruling party (CCM), what has gone wrong? Who has misled you to this extent?

Do current and former Tanzanian leaders reflect on what steps they have taken to address these challenges? If Benjamin Mkapa were still alive, would these issues have arisen? Leaders today must avoid selfishness and personal interests if Tanzania is to overcome this phase.

Many Tanzanians express doubt, saying:

“That person cannot solve this problem—he is part of the cause, and besides, his child is a minister.”

In truth, holding a ministerial position has little value if the country itself is unstable. We must recognize that there are families in this country that have never held public office since independence, yet they live well. Leadership must be driven by goodwill for society, not personal gain.

Dear reader, consider Tanzania’s situation alongside Kenya’s 2007–2008 crisis, which erupted after the December 27, 2007 election results. By January 22, 2008, Kofi Annan and his team had already arrived in Kenya, and by February 28, 2008, the mediation process had concluded successfully. That is why, on October 1, 2009, in Geneva, Kofi Annan stated:

“…negotiating and signing a peace agreement is the easy part. Implementation is far more complex and challenging. An agreement, no matter how beautifully written, remains just a piece of paper unless it is implemented faithfully—in both letter and spirit.”

Similarly, Tanzania’s situation requires sincerity and good faith from its leaders. Without this, different mediators may come and go without bringing real change.

Tanzania’s uncertainty began even before the general election—some trace it back to 2021—with reports of abductions and killings. During the election period, the situation worsened, with armed presence, injuries, and deaths occurring publicly. These incidents have continued months later. The question now is: who can convince citizens to return to the polls and vote again with confidence?

In some areas, people have rejected CCM offices entirely, even hiding party uniforms. This reflects internal dissatisfaction within the party itself, especially at grassroots level. Who has the capacity to restore trust?

This is my reflection today, which I have chosen to share in this article.

What does ‘Mwanakwetu’ say today?

According to this perspective, within CCM’s current leadership, there is no one capable of performing the ‘mizungu’ (extraordinary effort) needed to rescue the party. The strength of the party reflects the strength of the government, and internal unity determines public confidence.

In this context, the story of Idris Abdul Wakil may still serve as guidance—even if it is late. It is not about Chakwera or any outsider; rather, Wakil’s example could inspire all groups with grievances—within CCM, among opposition parties like CHADEMA, and among non-partisan Tanzanians who wish the country well.